UNWARRENTED BRUTE FORCE

KALINGANAGAR The upcoming steel hub in Orissa's Jajpur district is a classic case of how the rehabilitation & resettlement policy 2003 has failed to be complied with.The 12,000-acre Kalinga Nagar complex, some 100 kilometres from Bhubaneswar, has about 10 industrial units and steel plants.While development of backward states to reduce disparity among various states of our country is the right thing to do,the methods followed by the authorities in place & the motives too are questionable.the high handedness of the district administration in using brute police force to deal with the anti-displacement agitations taken up by hundreds of tribals, who were opposing the construction of a common corridor road to give access to Tata Steel's six million tonne proposed steel mill shows lack of sensitivity in dealing with the marginalized sections of our population.the police opened fire at the protesting tribals, injuring about 50 men and women, living in the tribal hamlets. isn't mainstreaming our tribal population to be part of our "inclusive growth" strategy also a major dimension of development? if so how do we justify this brutality ? were there not better ways to bring about infrastructure development in these backward regions? agreed that most administrative decisions are tough ones where the axiom of "greater good" should be applied at the cost of a few.but what is hard to digest is the fact that the very development of these regions is against the interests of the very people whose well being the government is considering.

the basic paradigm in tribal administration & development is the framing of sustainable policies bearing in mind the attachment which the tribals develop towards their land.unless this is followed the authorities would be in no position to negotiate & assure them of the benefits which would accrue to them due to development projects.because for a tribal, his land,his culture & customs/traditions/beliefs figure in the top of his priority list.a suitable way could have been to by pass tribal localities in construction of the road or the governor of the state applying his discretionary powers with regard to regulating administrative action & overlooking the effective implementation of the rehabilitation policy before any work was started.instead all that the administration could muster was the use of brute force against a largely peaceful protest.

the tribals claim that they have lost all faith in the administration since no discussions were conducted with them by the authorities before the road project could be started.further they allege that the administration is out to prove that they were maoists. to compound the problems of the tribals,the local police seemed to have gagged any aattempts to voice the concerns of the tribals by denying entry to politicians and representatives of different organisations into the villages since the police action. it is high time that the government of orissa & the central government proactively prevent such attrocities from happening lest it could detoriate into another situation like what happened in lalgarh.

RTE Act 2009 :AN EVALUATION

The provision of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education (RTE) Act, 2009 which gives legislative sanctity to the 86th amendment act 2002, is a progressive step towards realization of universalisation of elementary education and realization of the ultimate goal of securing “inclusive education” .however, the provision of the same without proper planning could result in rendering the act ineffective & work in contravention to the purpose for which the legislation has been brought about.
Various niggling constraints stand as hurdles in the effective implementation of the act:
The lack of sufficient educational infrastructure in our existing schools (both public & private)is a serious concern. By not providing for sufficient elementary school infrastructure, prior to the enactment of the act, the legislation which comes into force on April 1 2010 may choke our existing schools and overburden them. The huge number of children (92 lakh) who become eligible as a matter of right to claim for education would still be marginalized as schools would be ill-equipped to handle the sudden surge in pupil population…further, while adequate school infrastructure is an essential pre-requisite for the legislation to serve its purpose, it is insufficient to ensure that all children attend school and participate in the learning process. The school may be there, but children may not attend or they may drop out after a few months. There are a whole gamut of social, economic, cultural, and indeed linguistic and pedagogic issues, factors that prevent children from weaker sections and disadvantaged groups, as also girls, from regularly attending and completing elementary education these issues should first be subject to intellectual enquiry and probable solutions should be arrived at.
The RTE 2009 may not put a stop to the current crisis experienced by the union HRD ministry in meeting shortage of qualified teachers for our existing schools. Bringing in the legislation would only augment the need for qualified school staff. Conservative estimates put the requirement at around19lakh additional qualified teachers. For making this a reality we again need more teacher training schools, a drive to improve recruitment of teachers. Primarily, there is a need to fill in the existing pending vacancies and bring in B.ED graduates waiting in the wings .then a new scheme which could harness the services which unemployed graduates for an interim period, could be envisaged.
The third major constraint is provision of employment opportunities for the educated lot. We live in a globalised era of specialization .the key mantra to be employable today is to have greater qualification and work experience than your nearest competitor. Under such circumstances, if the legislation is not able to effect a smooth transition into higher educational institutions & subsequently seek quality employment thereafter. The purpose of providing inclusive education would be lost; it would cease to be an attractive avenue to pursue & could increase the incidence of child labour.
The introduction of a national knowledge network to link up all educational institutions and research institutions is a welcome step in that ,it would help bridging the gap between the school & the universities. However, such a linkage should be effectively utilized to dynamically update the syllabi and bring in the best practices followed elsewhere in the world. Another vital element of concern is that, the RTE is mum on the non-uniformity of standards of education (in terms of resources, facilities & efficiency) which persist between private & government schools & within govt schools, between the central, state, municipal & panchayat schools. Unless concrete steps are taken towards achievement of uniform schooling system the act cannot assist in development of our human resources.
.A scientific approach is needed to bridge the gap between education and employability. An ironic fact in our country is the co-existence of shortage/unfilled vacancies on one hand and unemployment on the other. What is needed is a scientific mapping of all possible avenues where employment could be created & then expediting the employment of unemployed qualified youth. The government cannot afford to be complacent on this front.
The RTE provides for certain protection to children from corporal punishments, detention, expulsion etc.while the intentions of these provisions are mature, any changes in the fundamental notions of discipline and control embedded within the teaching methodology adopted by our teachers could be a very difficult task to achieve. The onus would rest on the choices teachers make with respect to accepting /rejecting the National curriculum framework 2005 for teacher training.
While the progressive strides made by the government in according education & health top priority is laudable, a massive overhaul in infrastructure should be carried out on a war footing.it is the duty of not only the government but also the NGO’s,civil society ,private sector, media & every individual citizen of india to ensure that this remarkable piece of legislation addresses all the aforesaid concerns & stands apart from all those numerous legislations which were rendered inefficient due to improper planning.

IS TELENGANA WORKABLE?

the prolonged agitations on the streets of the capital of andhra pradesh --hyderabad has thrown life out of gear...studying at saraswati's @ nampally proximal to the state assembly & ravindra bharati,frequent bandhs due to agitations came to be viewed as a norm than an abberation...poor migrant daily wage labour from fringes of hyderabad city were those who were hit the most as agitations (both the telengana & samaykhya andhra movements) robbed the city of its usual vibrance .while saraswati lib was relatively immune from the agitations , one couldnt ignore the constant lament of an "outsider" student over fall in real estate value in hyderabad & plans of shifting to vishakapatnam or a pointless debate of a pro-telenganaist with a samaykhya andhrite!!.
in a classical case of divided loyalities , i have always been caught in the storm of many such debates!!...while my personal opinion on the issue may seem to be status quoist ,i believe that my aspiration to be a civil servant has prompted me to reason out things in a fairly objective manner.the first question which many of my colleagues asked me was " is a seperate telengana state really needed? "--- for answering this question, one needs to thoroughly verify the arguments of the pro-telengana & samaykhya andhra lobbies on the query.
the pro-telanganaists believe that 60 years of assurances of the united andhra government towards the telengana region have not brought about any remarkable change in the quality of life of the people of telengana...they allege that, the govt has perpetuated inequity in development....the samaykhya andhrites on the other hand argue that any future telengana state would siphon off a major chunk of the industrial base of the present day A.P. (the relatively higher concentration of critical heavy industries in hyderabad,mahbubnagar,medak ,ranga reddy ,nalagonda etc--all telengana districts form a large revenue base for andhra pradesh).this they argue would set back all the development achieved in andhra pradesh in the last 60yrs. futhru the major contentious issue is the question of hyderabad as the capital of telengana.the samykhya andhrites argue that ...they were responsible for pouring in investment over the past six decades into hyderabad ...any division of the state would result in "dadagiri" of the telanganaists on enterpreneurs & property holders from other regions of the state who have settled across generations in the telengana region....they say that , there would be utter lawlessness in hyderabad as pro-telenganaists would indulge in land grabbing & bullying tactics...
while both arguments partially hold merit, what baffles me , is the inability of the successive governments of andhra pradesh to adopt an attitude of equitable development of the telengana region itself...the very strategy of using the barren/fallow telengana lands for industrial development, in order to safe guard the fertile agricultural tracts of the coastal andhra belt itself is flawed in conception.....the cause of the people of telengana for a seperate state , has arisen out the erosion of trust on the govt of andhra pradesh.if telengana region was well developed from within , there would have been no reason for the people to agitate and demand for seperation. the quality of cultivable land has degraded to a great extent in the region.the fact that the region falls in the rainshadow region hasn't helped it a bit....the people of telengana are a disgruntled lot , constant refferal to telengana people as "modhunaayaalu"(dim-witted people) has transformed the telengana movement into a quest for identity...so in any case be it equitable development, social indicators or identity ,the telengana people have been oppressed to a great extent & their cause is a genuine one.
however, having said that, we need to examine whether the feasibility of formation of a seperate state.the formation of telengana would not satisfy regional aspirations of the people(as proclaimed by the TRS & the JAC)...as the newly formed state would not be fully equipped to provide employment to all the youth who have been starved of employment opportunities...the sustainance of the current movement ,stems from the relentless support from the students of osmania & kakatiya universities...if any future government of the newly formed state fails to deliver on the promise plank it has ridden on, it would plunge the region back into chaos.when the agitations began, there were reports circulated in the media about intense mobilisation of the maoists to infiltrate the student ranks & part take in violent agitations to serve their own agenda....such a case could become a norm if a separate telengana government fails to address the needs of the employed youth. the Maoist top brass may have already sniffed at an prospective oppurtunity!!.