THE AAKASH TABLET :A POST MORTEM

The Aakash tablet touted to be the cheapest tablet pc in the world was launched in October 2011 amid great fanfare as an attempt to bolster the academic experience of students in the country. It was conceived as a one stop solution to address concerns of inequity in the quality of education besides the digital divide which separated the convent bred from the government school students. 

After a series of iterations, The Aakash 2 tablet was unveiled on November 11, 2012 instantly receiving endorsement from the United Nations. Priced at Rs.1, 130, the tablet pc is expected to finally provide an affordable solution to the students of the information age.But does it really live up to its hype? Can the Aakash tablet really address the needs of the scores of students transitioning from the good old textbook to a tablet? Let’s examine….

An evaluation of the original Aakash tablet can throw some light on the outcomes we can expect from Aakash 2.Akash-I launched pompously as a low cost alternative to the now ubiquitous laptop, had a 2GB storage space, with an archaic 512 MB RAM, low battery life, low processor speed, frequent heating up and less apps.This subsidized tablet whose USP was its low price, failed to meet the fundamental requirement of the information age i.e. access to the internet. 

While  Aakash-I could be excused as a faulty start of an ambitious experiment ,The lack of will on the part of the government to really bring about sweeping changes in subsequent iterations is disappointing. It goes to show that we are content in providing an underpowered, underperforming device at a low “affordable price” although it defeats the very purpose for which the device was visualized in the first place. The problem with our government agencies is that we are focusing solely on the “cost” factor, rather than the priorities we seek to achieve!!…..i.e. in terms of quality.

The Aakash 2 is at best old wine in a new bottle. The storage is still around 2 GB, The new look has been achieved by substituting two USB ports that the first Aakash had for one mini-USB port. This means no internet dongles. That is a big drawback, considering Aakash 2 can access only Wi-Fi networks. It does support tethering capability that lets it act as a local Wi-Fi hot spot. But not being able to access cellular networks like 3G, such as in rural areas where mobile phone penetration is miles ahead of internet penetration, will place the onus on local governments to lay internet-cables, bring down broadband prices, etc. This is a huge challenge considering the state of broadband penetration in our country.

Wi-Fi hotspots are uncommon even in urban areas. They are currently restricted to a few high profile institutes of excellence. God alone knows when they would be a reality in rural areas. Lack of internet access and connectivity would ultimately militate against the very idea of knowledge through digital media. Our experience from countries such as Peru (One Laptop per Child program instituted in 2005) show how providing such devices did not actually translate into tangible results when the devices did not have internet access. However, Uruguay saw rapid transformations after it equipped every primary-school student in the country with a laptop with access to the internet.

The need of the hour today is to bring about an attitudinal shift of the governmental authorities and getting our priorities right.We need to understand why we opted for the Akash initative in the first place and work on it.We need to reassess with a renewed sense of urgency of how we choose to empower our students to be globally competant.

Our policy makers should emphasize on the requirements of a student in the information age. Any attempt to bring out a credible device capable of bridging the information divide and developing a world class human resource should have the following capabilities:

1. One which enables a student to take notes –handwriting recognition software (handwriting to text convertors).
2. Ability to record class lectures as audio files for playback later on.
3. Ability to watch videos of pre-recorded lectures.
4. Ability to access live streaming video sites for listening/Watching to online lectures.
5. Ability to view power point presentations.
6. Ability to access infotainment packages which can demystify concepts to students and make learning fun.
7. Data storage and printing options.
8. High processor speed to enable multi-tasking; longer battery life.more usb ports etc to name a few….

The Aakash tablet has the potential to bridge the digital divide and provide universal access to information to all students at all levels in the country. Content development should be outsourced to the private sector with sufficient government oversight. Development of content in vernacular languages needs to be emphasized through adequate transliteration of existing information.

It is always advantageous if the price of a device like the Aakash is low. But low price shouldn’t imply low quality. Given the goal of ultimately unifying 58.6 lakh students across 25,000 colleges and 400 universities, Aakash 2 could be revised to better leverage existing infrastructure instead of necessitating more.

Jab tak hain jaan...Jab tak hain jaan.....Jab tak hain jaan

The legendary Yash chopra's swansong JAB TAK HAIN JAAN is a visual feast and poetry in motion backed by credible performances from the lead protagonists.While the fact remains that Shahrukh Khan is the best Bollywood actor of our generation,The credit to extract such a subtle & mature performance from him (akin to Swades & Chak de) must go to the creative genius Yash chopra.

The film lingers just like the memory of a good meal.Every Frame showcases the passion and Dedication  of a film maker who has directed this film from his heart. Yash chopra is among the last of his kind whose understanding of the complexieties and nuances of human relationships has no parallel.London didn't look so good before and The visuals of Pahalgam ,Leh and Ladakh had me feeling nostalgic.I started yearning to get back to Kashmir again.The movie is a tad longer(3hrs) than most multiplex movies  we are used to these days, but if one is a hopeless romantic like i am, he/she wouldn't mind sitting for 3 more hours!!..The ability to show love and relationships in their purest form without making it look outlandish is the greatest craft which this master technician has honed from the days he directed Lamhe & chandni. Bollywood has truly lost a legendary film maker.Love stories will never be the same again in Bollywood, they wont be half as honest or endearing.....His death brings an end to an era of Romance!....a great loss to die-hard romantics like me.....R.I.P yash chopra, as the    end credits and rare footage indicate, u will live on forever!.

Ps: A word of appreciation for Katrina Kaif !.....she was a revelation in the movie.She finally comes of age and sheds the wooden face and the Barbie hangover.Well done katrina good job.

A CASE FOR AN ALL INDIA JUDICIAL SERVICE

The constitution of India which is the supreme law of the land provides for a system of unified courts which comprise the higher judiciary (The supreme court and the high court) and subordinate courts at the district level (the sessions court) which are charged with the sacrilegious duty of safeguarding civil liberties of the ‘Aam Aadmi’ and checking arbitrary actions by the executive and judiciary. Thus, the courts have been empowered to act as a bulwark against malpractices and uphold the spirit of the democratic ideals enshrined in our constitution. Our experience in the six decades of the post independence phase has illustrated how the courts have proactively attempted to address myriad issues such as access to impartial justice, lowering costs, emphasizing on modernization of courts, boosting judicial infrastructure, improving the judges to citizen ratio etc.Several innovative models such as Lok adalats, ADR mechanisim, NALSA, tribunal system etc were adopted and implemented with the intention of achieving inclusive justice.

   However, in spite of the commendable job done by the system of courts through various landmark judgments, the judicial situation in our country continues to be in a state of shambles. The higher courts in our country are overburdened with alarming pendency of cases, red-tapism, huge shortage of qualified judges, inadequate judicial infrastructure, archaic procedures and laws, non-transparency and non-accountability etc to name a few. The higher judiciary has become the preserve of the elite group of legal personalities who have the resources to lobby for key posts. Influence, money and lobbying play a pivotal role in securing important positions in the higher judiciary. Constitutional procedures laid down to ensure impartial selection of judges, lawyers, advocates etc are routinely flouted and loopholes in the provisions have been exploited to the hilt ,in order to accommodate  persons dubious reputation to the high judicial offices. This has literally shut the door for many talented lawyers, advocates and judges having excellent track records of probity in public life from further pursuing a career in the judiciary. Statistics indicate that a major chunk of law graduates who aren’t able to secure employment in the courts of our country have chosen alternative careers ranging from entrepreneurial businesses to corporate law. This is an ironic situation given that the judiciary in India remains thoroughly understaffed.

The increasing difficulties in carving out a career in the legal machinery has also resulted in strain on the existing courts and created avenues for corruption. The higher judiciary in recent times has only been able to engage itself in addressing high profile cases highlighted by either the media or the civil society. While various cases involving the vulnerable sections of the society have been pending in the courts for years, they have either received a step motherly treatment or put in cold storage. With no one to fight for their cause, such cases never see the light of the day. As the old saying goes… “Justice delayed is justice denied”, by eclipsing the disadvantaged and the poor from getting free, impartial and speedy justice our judicial system has by and large remained ineffective for the voiceless millions. Exclusion of the vulnerable sections from the ambit of justice is a heinous crime in a democratic society which envisions ‘social, economic and political justice for all’.

What is the way out?—while a singular solution to this quagmire would be impossible to arrive at, we can attempt to follow the bottom-up approach to achieve the goal of inclusive justice. The probable solution could be a system of ICT enabled and networked rural courts which can service manageable populations  and  settle disputes which the common man encounters in his/her everyday life. While  such a solution appears to be a simple , in reality it would require a paradigm shift in the mindsets and attitudes of the higher judiciary and the legislature. The constitution of India U/A 312 provided for an all India judicial service which would recruit judicial officers to be filled up on the basis of an All India completion and assign them at all tiers of the judiciary. Such an All India service was designed on the lines of the All India Civil services. But for reasons unknown, no efforts were undertaken to create the service. Neither did the Rajya Sabha take a proactive step nor the judiciary direct the government to create the service. While various reasons such as ‘burden on the public exchequer’, infeasibility etc have been cited, the way I look at it, both the legislature and the judiciary are happy with status quo. Apart from the status quoist mindset that continues to plague our policy makers into inaction, vested interest are also at play by and large. In an effort towards preservation of its importance and prestige the judiciary is interested in remaining largely elitist and inaccessible. The legislature on the other hand is reluctant to further empower the judiciary with funds and functionaries as it fears increase in judicial activism. This according to me could be a probable explanation as to why paltry funds are sanctioned for modernization of the judiciary, increasing the number of judges, or for that matter creating ‘gram nyayalayas’.This status quoist, self-preservatory attitude militates against the very ideals of our constitution and is counterproductive.  

There is an urgent need to end elitism of the judiciary. The need of the hour is to create an All India cadre of judicial officers selected impartially on the basis of merit and assigned across the 7 lakh village Panchayats as judges of gram Nyayalayas. Law graduates who have cleared the bar exam should be allowed to work at these grass root courts and promotions should be based on the merit they show while trying these cases in the formative phase of their career. The creation of the All India judicial service would also offer an excellent opportunity to carry out tasks such as:: simplification of legal procedures; de-jargonisation to make court proceedings and records intelligible to the common man; gradation of cases on the basis of magnitude on scientific lines; disposal of cases quickly through adhoc benches; meeting shortages of legal personnel etc.All this could ultimately help in achieving the ideal of inclusive justice.

ISSUE OF CREATION OF NEW STATES

The recent announcement of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) government's proposal to divide Uttar Pradesh into four smaller States the proposed new States – Paschim Pradesh, Bundelkhand, Poorvanchal and Awadh Pradesh to end the crippling regional disparities in the country's most populous State.
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISION RELATING TO CREATION OF A STATE:
Under Article 3 of the Indian constitution, Parliament may by law (a) form a new State by separation of territory from any State or by uniting two or more States or parts of States or by uniting any territory to a part of any State; (b) increase the area of any State; (c) diminish the area of any State; (d) alter the boundaries of any State; or (e) alter the name of any State.
New states U/A 3 of the constitution can only be formed by introducing a bill with prior consent of the president of india.the parliament refers the bill for formation of a new state to the state legislative assembly for its views on the matter within a stipulated period of time.the bill then is reverted to the parliament for creation of the state, which can be achieved through a simple majority.the views of the state are not binding on the parliament.If the State legislature fails to express its views within the stipulated time, Parliament is free to proceed with the matter. The word ‘State' under Article 3 includes the Union Territories, too, whereas under the proviso, Union Territories have been excluded from the definition of States because Parliament itself legislates for U.Ts.thus Parliament can pass the law to reorganize either reorganise States or create new states with a simple majority.
Parliament has so far passed 20 laws under Article 3 to reorganise various States. The last Act to be enacted under this provision is the Madhya Pradesh Reorganisation Act, 2000. (The Bihar, and Uttar Pradesh Reorganisation Acts, 2000, preceded this.)
On close observation the union governments over the years have evolved a broad pattern of guidelines while considering demands for the creation of new States.These are:
(a) Demand for a state shouldn’t be based on a secessionist motive;
(b) Demands based on language and culture could be accommodated, but not those based explicitly on religious differences;
(c) Demands must have clearly demonstrated public support; and
(d) Division of multilingual States must have some support from different linguistic groups.
(e) If the demand is driven by the specific needs of the political economy of development, then it qualifies for due consideration by the Centre.
While the BSP’s move fulfills the criteria (a), (b) & (e), it doesn’t fulfill (c) & (d).the very nature and timing(a year before the forthcoming assembly elections) of the move to consider creating four new states evokes suspicion. There has not been any demand from the people of the state for dividing the state. It was orchestrated by the BSP unilaterally.opposition parties such as SP,RLD & BJP in U.P allege that this bolt from the blue is a move by the BSP’s top brass to divert people’s attention from a spate of scams which caused embarresment to the government (the embezzlement of public funds in the NRHM(National rural health mission) & MGNREGS(mahatmagandhi national rural employment guarantee scheme).they opine that the BSP deliberately cooked up the issue of statehood to shift the focus of the people which is currently focused on widespread discrepancies in maintainance of law & order & inability to check corruption.
Are smaller states better?
THE CASE OF UTTARAKHAND:how it has fared since its inception
1. As per statistics, uttarkhand has more than trebled its percapita income which is higher than the national percapita income .The State launched has been among the top three States recording the highest growth rate in the past few years.
2.due to high industrial investments & a10-year concessional industrial package granted to the State in 2003 by the Union government, which included a tax holiday and capital investment subsidy , there has been a phenomenal increase in employment.
3.Uttarakhand has been able to develop into a prominent tourism hub. In the past decade, Uttarakhand also emerged as a centre for higher education. Universities imparting specialised professional education, such as the University of Petroleum and Energy Studies, which is the only one of its kind in Asia have been established.
THE CASE OF CHHATTISGARH:
1. Chhattisgarh has managed to achieve a high growth rate owing to its immense mineral and natural resources. The State posted the highest economic growth rate of 11.49 per cent among all Indian States
2. in terms of social indicators, chattisgarh has shown cconsiderable improvement since its inception. Its literacy rate of 71.04 per cent is close to the national figure of 74.04 per cent. Its sex ratio(991) is much better than the national average of 940.
3. The State, which harnessed its massive coal reserves to generate power, has a per capita energy consumption of 1,547 units as against the 779 units at the national level. It is an energy surplus State today, which was not the case when it was part of Madhya Pradesh.
4.The State has managed to maintain an average growth rate of 10.05 per cent for the past six years, which is the highest for any State in India. The State ranks first in industrial investment in the country, with $63 billion in 2010.
5. The downside: But the growth story has a number of contradictions. While mining and mining-based industries, specifically steel and power, have helped push up the State's gross domestic product, there has been little qualitative improvement in people's lives. The percapita income of the state is still at Rs.33,952 compared to the national average, of Rs.54,835. 10 out of its 18 districts are affected by left-wing extremism, more than 40 per cent of its population is below the poverty line, and over 75 per cent of its population can be categorized as small and marginal farmers.
6. The State has done well in the agricultural sector too. It is a major rice-producing State, the second largest in India in terms of procurement. The e-procurement policy of the Chhattisgarh govt has ensured transparency in procurement of food grains without delay & also eliminated middle men. The State has received accolades for putting in place an effective public distribution system (PDS) as well. It has fair price shops, in place in each gram panchayat. The State has ensured that by the 1st week of every month, commodities are supplied to fair price shops. Steps have been taken to prevent pilferage.
7. Although it has some bad social indicators – in terms of high prevalence of malnutrion, anaemic pregnant women as compared to the national average, the State has managed to reduce the infant mortality rate through increasing institutional deliveries.
8. Governance at the doorstep: The small size of the State has ensured that governance reaches the doorsteps of its people. For 10 days every year, all government officials, from patwaris to secretaries and even Ministers (sometimes even the Chief Minister), visit the villages to clear all the pending applications and cases. Direct feedback is taken from the villages and new schemes are formulated on the basis of the feedback.
THE CASE OF JHARKHAND:
1. In its 11 years of existence, Jharkhand has essentially been perceived as an archetype of political instability and corruption. In this period, it saw eight Chief Ministers and numerous corruption cases against its political leadership. Political instability & corruption have pushed development to the backburner.
2. A study pointed out that the State had failed to add a single megawatt to its power generation, despite the signing of many memorandums of understanding with private firms. When Jharkhand was formed, it had three State-owned power plants. In 10 years, the State has not added another to it.
3. Among the three States formed in 2000, Jharkhand has the second highest percentage of population below the poverty line (BPL). the State fares badly in terms of basic parameters such as health and nutrition.
4. There has been some improvement in higher education after the State got a Central university and an Indian Institute of Management in Ranchi. But these have failed to stop the migration of students. On an average, more than 1,00,000 students migrate from the State for degree and professional courses.
5. The study also says that lack of development in far-flung areas has allowed Maoists to gain traction in Jharkhand. Clearly, Jharkhand's record is one that does not uphold the theory that small States are more effective.


‘Small is manageable'
Proponents in favour of small states argue that they are more manageable, better governable, more efficient and more sensitive to people's aspirations and ambitions.
My view: The criterion for creation of new states should be based on administrative feasibility rather than being dictated solely on political compulsions or on regional demand. Division of a state also implies division of resources. Different regions of a state cater to development in different sectors for e.g.: in andhrapradesh, the telengana region has the lion’s share of industrial infrastructure but depends upon coastal Andhra to meet its agricultural needs & on rayalaseema for its mineral resources. If states are created without factoring in such inter-dependence of various regions for its development, then such a move would be counterproductive. Similarly, division of U.P could lead to multiple conflicts on sharing of resources, including water and electricity between the regions.

Further, division of a State is not the only method to overcome imbalanced development in a state. Efforts to correct imbalances through focused regional development to address the problems plaguing the region & improve the quality of life on par with the other developed regions of the state should be resorted to. The move to carve out 4 new states out of U.P has been on the basis of increasing political footprint of a regional party, in order to gain a foothold in national politics.
What will be the outcome of such a move?
The announcement is bound to accentuate the emotive element in the Telangana movement. Further it could spur long-standing demands for statehood which include the demands for Vidarbha, Gorkhaland and Bodoland.

COUNTERING THE MAOIST CONNUNDRUM

the prime minister Mr.manmohan Singh not so long ago had labeled the Maoist insurgency as among the gravest threats to our internal security and stressed on the need to address this problem with “utmost urgency"....while governments both central and state have grappled to address the issue in myriad ways, the most blatant tactic among them all was that employed by the Chhattisgarh government in the form of SALWA JUDUM ....what started out as a successful model which helped villagers in Maoist areas defend themselves from the atrocities committed on their lives and property by the Maoist, gradually transformed into a rouge, unaccountable outfit charged with unbridled violation of human rights. The state adopting a policy of "arming citizens to fight disgruntled citizens" is a blasphemy of the principles of democracy enshrined in our constitution. Every civilized society in our world has public institutions entrusted with the onerous task of securing the confidence of the people it seeks to serve. Our country has many.... the police and the paramilitary forces have their job cut out to secure the lives of ordinary citizens & maintain law & order. By resorting to salwa judum, the govt of Chhattisgarh has not only obliterated any remnants of morale which the battered police force has, but also has exposed the inadequacies of rural policing & intelligence. Involving people in the process of development for long has been regarded as a prerequisite for securing good governance….but such organizations such as salwa judum shouldn’t be the means employed to realize this goal!!.The recent Supreme Court judgment in this regard holds significance. The SC has now banned the salwa judum and other organizations of the ilk from operating and pulled up the chattisgarh govt for conceiving such a policy.this is indeed a positive development.sense has finally prevailed!!
.good governance has often been cited as a cure for Maoism .involvement of all stake holders in their respective capacities to contribute towards addressing the endemic & systemic problems is imperative. While the security of the rural populace can only be ensured by boosting up the capabilities & morale of the rural police force in affected regions[in terms of weaponary,training,preparedness,technology aids(night vision, bullet proof vests etc )], “community policing” model could be actively promoted through awareness programs to bridge the “trust deficit” & improve “grassroots level intelligence” capabilities . For any civil administration to exist and operate to its fullest potential in the affected areas there is a need to provide adequate security to civil infrastructure, personnel & villagers. Securing such an environment for development is not possible unless people themselves want it to stay that way. Identifying and tracking overt as well as covert Maoist “sympathizers” is important in this regard. On one hand there is a need to restore faith in the government through proactive action by the administration .on the other hand there is a need to plug in the loopholes which have rendered democratic methods of protest defunct & ineffective. If this can be achieved to some degree & if the people are educated on the means to bring erring officials to book for violation of norms or shirking from their authoritative responsibility, then it could go a long way in curbing Maoism in the long run.
Maoism today lacks the ideological force it once commanded. Unlike the earlier cadres composed of distinguished ideologues, Maoists of the present day are a frustrated lot devoid of ideological underpinnings. A Maoist today is one who is affected by unemployment or victimized by any atrocity conducted by a public authority. The external financial & arms support which the Maoists once had from the Nepal Maoists and the Chinese has also gradually tapered down. The fact that Maoism is slowly but surely on the path of decline, provides immense opportunity to the government to counter them. It is an opportunity which govt can let go only at its own peril. The government has to revisit its policy on the Maoists and adopt a clever mix of force, diplomacy, dialogue, rehabilitation for employment and proactive visible development to reverse the inroads made in the past few decades by the Maoists. There is a need to recognize the common necessities of the reds (sympathizers, arms, ammunition, finances for propaganda and sustenance) as well as the tactics employed by them (hit & run/guerilla tactics ,slipping across jurisdictions of states ) to evolve effective strategies to deal with them.
The need of the hour thus is a committed, proactive bureaucracy and governmental agencies working in tandem to dismantle the Maoist on one hand and ensuring good governance to all citizens so that any kind of depravation doesn’t persist. And even when it does, there are democratically mandated mechanism to ensure complete, speedy and transparent redressal of grievances.